Colombia is a country known for its majestic beauty, abundant biodiversity and extensive rainforests, which lead some people to coin the region the "lungs of the world." Adding to these visual splendors is what lies below the surface. In addition to its acclaimed gold, copper, and silver deposits, Colombia has one of the largest known oil reserves in our hemisphere and is among the top suppliers of oil to the United States. Belying what would appear to be paradise is Colombia's infamous designation as one of the most violent countries in the world.

Overview: My purpose for traveling to Colombia in 2001 was two-fold. First, to better understand and see first-hand the effects of the US-sponsored fumigation campaign in the Putumayo region. Second, to bear witness to the violence being perpetrated by the Colombian military and paramilitary forces (United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia /Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC), -- who act with complete impunity and in conjunction with the Colombian military to instill terror in the populace. The AUC have been designated a "foreign terrorist organization" under Section 219 of the U.S. Immigration and Nationality Act. It is reported that they are responsible for 70 percent of the massacres that have occurred over the last few decades in Colombia, and Amnesty International states that the "paramilitary [have been] responsible for the vast majority of political killings in Colombia in recent years."

More than 10,000 Colombian soldiers have been trained at the US Army School of the Americas (SOA), which was renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (WHINSEC), in 2001. Conveniently, the US government refuses to track any of its graduates. Nor will they take responsibility for the selection of known human rights abusers, drug traffickers, and death squad leaders who have been selected to receive training at US military bases and who have been responsible for some of our hemispheres most horrific human rights violations.

The fumigation program is a US-sponsored "anti-drug" campaign that was attached to a multibillion-dollar aid program developed by the government of Colombia purportedly to deal with the many socio-economic factors afflicting the country. The sequestering of this drug campaign by the US turned what was to be a State-aid program to bring "peace, prosperity, and the strengthening of the state," into a multi-billion dollar US-funded "war on drugs." The bulk of the money - an initial $1.3 billion, now equating to billions - has gone to US weapons and chemical corporations in the form of military training, helicopters, and other fumigation and war related expenses. For Colombia, this campaign has been a war on their ecosystem, crops and forests, and has further eroded their means for subsistence living; it has also created a health and environmental crisis with wide-reaching and staggering consequences. The US aid packages and diversion of weapons have also helped fuel the ongoing civil war which has lasted for over four decades. The end result of billions of US taxpayer dollars being used to bolster the "war on drugs" has been wide-spread destruction and destabilization throughout Colombia while in the US there has been little affect on reducing the availability of cocaine on the streets or its market price. Rather than spend billions of dollars on programs that could potentially save lives by helping individuals end their addiction to cocaine and greatly diminish the demand for the drug, the US -too often addicted to war and flexing its abusive muscles - has opted instead to impose greater punishment on addicts in the US, while its policies continue to displace, kill and maim tens of thousands of victims throughout Colombia.


During our time in Colombia, we met with community leaders, including tribal representatives from various indigenous groups in the Putumayo region (the focal point of Plan Colombia), religious leaders, Colombian officials - including the Vice President, military leaders, the director of the UN High Commission on Human Rights, and the US Ambassador to Colombia. [Many of the statistic and analysis in this article are a result of discussions and documents that were presented to us by these individuals, as well as data received from the Center for International Policy based in Washington, DC]

Health & Environmental Consequences: Throughout our meetings and visits to Putumayo it became vividly evident that, due to the indiscriminate nature of the fumigation campaign, not only were coca crops (the raw material of cocaine) being targeted, but also medicinal plants and food crops were being eradicated and water supplies were being severely contaminated. The primary ingredient used for the fumigations is the herbicide, glyphosate, which is also the main chemical used in the US-sold herbicide: "Round-Up," produced and manufactured by the US chemical corporation, Monsanto. On the containers sold in the U.S., Round-Up has visible warnings that state: "Keep out of reach of children; Hazards to humans and domestic animals; Caution: Avoid contact with eyes or clothing; Environmental Hazards: Do not apply directly to water; Never pour product down any drain," and "Important: Do not spray plants or grasses you like - they may die too."

In Colombia, this herbicide is used in a highly concentrated form (often referred to as "Round-Up Ultra - which is upwards to 25% more concentrated and thus has a greater toxicity than its kin predecessor Round-Up). It is combined with surfactants and other chemicals (including POEA and Cosmoflux 411F) for greater effectiveness and adherence to coca crops and anything else it comes in contact with - including livestock, birds, food crops, eyes, and skin. To date the EPA has never tested or approved the combination being used for aerial spraying in Colombia, though it does state that glyphosate-based products such as Round-Up could cause vomiting, swelling of the lungs, pneumonia, mental confusion and tissue damage.

Despite this knowledge, and Monsanto's own recommendations that it should not be applied from anywhere above 10 feet, the US has continued to recklessly assert that Round-Up Ultra can be safely applied by crop dusters over vast areas. With no precautionary measures offered to the people, who are unwittingly being exposed to the fumigations, the US continues to reject the findings that show that this program is gravely endangering the welfare of the Colombian people and devastating the ecology.

"Collateral Damage": Colombian Law 0005 of 2000 which regulated fumigations, states that fumigations will be used only on coca farms larger than 5 acres and that "the application of agricultural chemicals in rural zones cannot be carried out within less than 10 meters by land and less than 100 meters by air as a security border, in relation to bodies of water, roads, nuclei of human or animal populations or any other area that requires special protection." In 2002 US Ambassador Patterson stated that "there is no longer any differentiation between 'small' and the 'industrial' plots. If you grow coca, the Colombian Police will spray it." This change in policy and the indiscriminate nature of the spraying was made evident to us as we visited countless food crops that were fumigated. The stands of rotting bananas on one farm served as evidence to the devastation wrought by a single aerial application. "Now how will I feed my children?" the farmer asked while he despondently tried to comprehend the destruction. Not only was his crop and livelihood destroyed, but he asked us to examine his swollen and glazed over eyes which were severely afflicting him since his exposure to the fumigations. "I had no idea that the cloudy mist trailing from the airplane was going to poison my family and destroy our farm." Another woman, whose brothers were killed by paramilitary forces stated, "They [the narco-traffickers] plant their coca next to our food crops and there's nothing we can do but helplessly watch as our crops are also targeted by the fumigation. And when we raise our voice against the injustice, we are killed."

The indiscriminate spraying of thousands of acres, regardless of the existence of schools, homes, watersheds, subsistence crops and livestock, also extended to cities. In La Hormiga, a city about 30 miles from Putumayo's commercial center, Puerto Asis, residences reported to us that even their town had been repeatedly fumigated. They also asserted that the applications came without warnings of the caustic nature of the chemicals being used, that they must take shelter while it is being applied, and that they should not allow their skin or clothes to come in contact with the affected vegetation.

The negligence associated with the fumigation campaign has not only had disastrous ecological and health consequences for the region, but it has also mostly seen an increase in the expansion of coca cultivation. In 2002, the CIA reported that coca production had increased 25% following the introduction of Plan Colombia in 2000. Although production decreased slightly in 2003 and 2004, there was a huge surge in cultivation in 2005 with over 144,000 hectares being cultivated. Despite any gains that the government may report, the reality is that coca production is still significantly greater today, than it was a decade ago when cultivation in Colombia was at 57,000 hectares. The DEA's 2006 "National Drug Threat Assessment" also reports that "Cocaine supplies appear to be stable at levels necessary to meet current domestic demand, despite record levels of seizures and declines in estimated worldwide production that have been reported over the past few years."

The Colombian Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicates that nearly 30% of Colombia's annual deforestation has resulted from the fumigation campaign. The amount of hectares generally targeted for fumigation, compared with the actual amount of coca being produced in a given area, is roughly a 30:1 ratio. Given the fact that narco-traffickers plow down roughly 2 hectares of rainforests to compensate for every hectare lost by the fumigations, and farmers whose crops are also destroyed in the process often resort to slash and burn techniques to replace their fields, its not difficult to realize the extent of destruction that has ensued. Overall, roughly 2,600 square miles (the combined square mileage of the states of Delaware and Rhode Island is 2,995) have been sprayed with Round-Up Ultra, yet the total land area under coca cultivation has been virtually unchanged throughout the Andean region. Cumulating totals for Peru, Bolivia and Colombia, the US government estimates 198,455 hectares were cultivated in 2000, and 208,500 hectares of coca were cultivated in 2005.

Sound business strategies keep the products flowing: Basic economics and historical facts from Colombia, Vietnam, Afghanistan and other countries producing raw materials reveal that where there is a demand, especially of an illicit drug, there will always be those who find a way of mass producing the product and making a tremendous profit from it. Ironically, while the US is the largest consumer of cocaine, there is little indication that Colombians are abusing the drug themselves.

Alternative Perspective: Imagine if the scenario was reversed and Colombians (who prior to Plan Colombia were allowed to grow small plots of coca to be planted for medicinal purposes), decided that they were going to send planes, mercenaries and gun ships to the United States. Their stated purpose was to spray caustic herbicides over several thousands of miles of sovereign land in an effort to eradicate peyote, morning glories or other plants that contain dimethyltryptamine or harmine which can be used to produce psychedelic drugs such as LSD and mescaline. Although the US has no laws banning these plants, for the sake of this scenario, let's say that Colombians have a strong addiction to these and other psychedelic drugs that can be derived from them. The Colombian government therefore decides that it is absolutely imperative to wage a "war" to eradicate them. They also announce that the chemical that is being used for the fumigations have not been approved by the FDA, and although it resembles an over-the counter weed-killer, it is significantly more potent and toxic because of the biological and chemical agents added to the mixture. Although it is not approved to be used near waterways or by crop dusters, they say they'll use guided satellite imagery and Global Positioning to make sure that their targets are hit. And to prove this point they'll invite a delegation of influential policy makers and US congressmen to observe the applications. Although the winds pick up and they inadvertently douse the delegates [this actually did happen] they believe it is well worth the environmental and health consequences associated with it including swelling of the lungs and tissue damage. Furthermore, since areas equating to the size of two US states will have its wildlife, livestock, watersheds, and food crops decimated, Colombia will reluctantly reimbursh a select few $1000 each to compensate for their loss. Most US citizens - and members of Congress - will agree that pigs learning to fly would likely occur before this scenario would be allowed in the US, and yet this is precisely what has happened in Colombia.

Breaking Down the Cartels: The means by which governments have chosen to counter the production of coca has widely been viewed as indiscriminate, irresponsible and conducted largely without accounting for short or long-term health and environmental consequences. Between 1994 and 1998 it was reported that on average, approximately 45,500 hectares of coca were being cultivated in Colombia. In an attempt to eradicate these crops, more than 140,800 hectares were targeted by fumigations. Due to the indiscriminate nature of the campaign and unpredictable nature associated with aerial "drift," not only were coca crops attacked, but food crops and rainforests throughout the region were also fumigated.

Throughout the 1970's and 1980's, the Medellin Cartel was the predominant coca grower throughout the Andean region. As coca was being targeted and eradicated in Peru and Bolivia the Cartel began to shift some of its production to neighboring Colombia. During this time the US was spending millions of dollars working to take down the Medellin Cartel. When this occurred, there was an abrupt redistribution and decentralization of power that emerged among drug traffickers, as well as a rapid swelling of ranks of paramilitary forces. But repercussions extended well beyond this. In order to build their numbers, influence, and assets the paramilitary groups, taking full advantage of the collapse of the Cartels, grabbed control of the drug trafficking market and spurred coca production at a rate of over 100 percent. By 1999 more than 120,000 hectares of coca were being cultivated in Colombia. By forging ties and collaborating with other drug traffickers, and receiving the support of the Colombian military and the wealthy elite, their numbers quickly grew from 4,000 in 1995 to over 8,000 in 2001. As of 2005, their numbers were estimated to be well over 20,000.

Coca is big business for many players. While the paramilitary forces receive the majority of their funding from coca cultivation and trafficking, the various guerilla groups (FARC & ELN being the two most prominent and also cited as "foreign terrorist organizations" by the U.S.) primarily profit from the taxation of coca cultivation, and to a much lesser degree, are actually involved in the production and movement of cocaine. While the paramilitaries are responsible for the majority of the massacres, most kidnappings are attributed to the guerilla movement. For many years following their inception the guerrilla groups advocated for social reforms that benefited the poor and marginalized (80% of the Colombians live in near or absolute poverty). Today, though, with increased attacks on civilians they seem primarily focused on combating their enemy rather than producing reforms. Despite these facts, some continue to argue that the guerillas, engaged in a four-decade battle with right-wing paramilitary forces, are simply fighting for survival against a ruthless opponent. Without these forces, they believe there would be no opposition to the already extensive plundering and exploitation of resources that is occurring.

Paramilitary groups have developed into a centralized coordinating team to "combat subversion," thus, their name: "United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia," with Carlos Castano as their leader (though it is uncertain if he is in hiding, or if he was killed in 2004). The paramilitaries support a system controlled by the wealthy elite whose interests are promoted, along with those of US and multinationals, by the exploitation and control of the poor and the country's natural resources. It's not surprising that many of the regions most heavily impacted by the fumigations are where the guerillas are most prevalent - in this context the use of the chemical defoliant mirrors the tactics used in Vietnam - to expose the areas so that the rebels are unable to safely occupy it. It's also interesting to correlate the regions that receive the most intense spraying with the presence of oil reserves and other natural resources. As the land is made uninhabitable because of the fumigations and opposition is no longer a threat, the corporations, who often use the paramilitary as their security forces, are able to freely control and plunder the land.

Not only is the coca industry big business for in-country profiteers, it also provides US and multinational corporations the opportunity to make millions of dollars by exploiting the "war on drugs." For example, of the $27 million spent on a 1994-'98 eradication campaign, $20 million went directly to Monsanto. Because the campaign was so ineffective--the U.S. blamed the problem on excessive rains in the regions--they decided to increase the amount of applications of glyphosate and put in additives such as "Cosmo-Flux." This agent substantially increases the biological activity of the agrochemicals and is being added at 5 times the recommended dosage. The affect of this and similar agents is catastrophic for the overall ecology of the rainforests, including aquatic life, animals, and the populace who are already being bombarded on a continuous basis by the fumigations. A conservative estimate of the cost of fumigating 1 square mile is roughly $167,000. One can only imagine the cost benefits of investing this money in alternative agricultural projects and drug rehabilitation.

The ultimate result of the failed eradication campaign that began as a $1.3 billion aid package is that a mere 1% has been earmarked for the peace process for which Plan Colombia was originally developed by the Colombian government. More than 80% of the nearly $5 billion in taxpayer dollars allocated since 2000 has gone to the Colombian military and police force. This aid places Colombia 5th in overall world standing as a recipient of US military and other aid - Iraq recently pushed them down a notch from their previous 4th place ranking.

Hidden Agenda: Actually, US-based weapons and chemical corporations are the ultimate recipients of much of this aid. Topping the list of the biggest recipients are United Technologies, Sikorsky and Textron, which produce Hueys and Blackhawk helicopters, while Northrop has supplied airborne reconnaissance aircraft. Other companies, such as Rockwell and Lockheed Martin are benefiting from the sale of surveillance and radar systems; and the notorious mercenary corporations, including Military Professional Resources, Inc (MPRI), which received over $4.3 million in 2001, and DynCorp has sent countless mercenaries, many former military, and "private contractors." This "outsourcing" allows the US to bolster its "personnel" without violating the US Defense Department authorization act or to officially declare war on Colombia. These entities are so influential that some Colombians equated them to a second government within Colombia that is vying for power and, in the process, waging a biological and civilian-targeted warfare, which is bringing Colombia to its knees.

A 1997 Pentagon document stated that the purpose of the US military is "to protect US interests and investments." A hidden agenda of US involvement in the "drug war" is acquiring and maintaining control of the plethora of resources in Colombia, such as gold, silver and copper, as well as the great expanses of oil - Colombia is among the ten largest suppliers of foreign crude oil to the U.S., and has billions of barrels in potential and realized reserves.

Even today, as countless reports show the ineffectiveness of the fumigation campaigns, the United States continues to bully Colombians into abject adversity while they scream "Uncle." And there "Sam" is to further exploit and decimate the people and their natural resources until, like so many other countries, there is little hope of restoring a balance--of acquiring a sustainable peace.

Not surprisingly, the focal point of Plan Colombia and the fumigations are not areas were the paramilitary have a stronghold but those where the guerillas occupy and maintain control. Many believe that the hidden agenda of the United States government is not directed at the "war on drugs," but rather, as stated in the Pentagon report, it is to secure the interests of US and multinational corporations and their investments. To maintain this they have forged ties with, supported, and propagated bloodletting proponents. With the support of the US, the paramilitaries have acted with complete impunity and without regard for human life. By overriding the human rights clause in Plan Colombia, side-stepping the Leahy amendment, and showing complete disregard for the well-being of the Colombian people, President Clinton -- and now President Bush -- is an accomplice not only to murder, but also to genocide.

Innocent Victims: As soon as I arrived in the Putumayo I was quickly taken aback by an eerie presence around me. It didn't stem from the numerous bunkers that I saw, or the stares we received from the countless armed soldiers who stood guard. No, probably the most haunting sound I heard from the Putumayo--this majestic Amazon region which borders Peru and Ecuador--was the silence. Occasionally the quiet was broken up by stray dogs chasing one another in the streets and the clatter of horse's hooves pulling carts, but aside from these, the only animals I saw were the victims of the fumigations: a dead ox lying next to a nearby ravine, countless fish floating in the Guamuez River, and two lone and emaciated monkeys poised in a tree that bore little vegetation. In fact, the only place I saw or heard birds flying overhead was at a military airstrip, where we awaited the arrival of our helicopter.

As I tried to zoom in with my camera on a colorful bird perched atop a cable the portending silence was broken by the thunderous roar of several aircrafts approaching from the distance. Distracted, I turned my attention to four planes flying in formation as they shot through a set of clouds; "Those are the fumigation planes!" exclaimed one of the men accompanying us. A few seconds later I glanced back to try and find the bird - but it was gone. At that moment, I pondered how many birds will take flight that day only to be doused in toxic chemicals, how many children will unwittingly be sprayed while playing in schoolyards, how many mothers will unknowingly bathe their infants with noxious water, and how many campesinos will go to harvest their food crops to find them in ruin?

Since 2001, human rights groups have reported a sharp increase in respiratory ailments in children and the elderly, as well as an alarming increase in a variety of cancers and genetic deformities in children whose families have no history of such health issues. Visual problems among the campesinos and indigenous people continue to escalate, and some showed us lesions on their skin, which were the result of direct exposure to the fumigations. Dr. Francisco Jose Ruiz, who worked for the Colombian Environmental Ministry overseeing the impact of public spending on the fumigations, stated that to date there had not been any research into the relationship of the fumigations and the developing health afflictions. "It is outright negligence," stated Ruiz.

It is perplexing to think that the lessons learned in the US about the use of DDT and other environmental toxins have not spilled over into the production, research, manufacturing, or distribution of chemicals such as glyphosate. Ironically, it was Monsanto (the producer of glyphosate) that, in response to Rachel Carson's book Silent Spring (which first drew people's attention to the deleterious effects of DDT) published "The Desolate Year"-- a parody about a DDT-free USA being overrun by a plague of locusts. During the Vietnam War, Monsanto also produced Agent Orange for the US Air Force. Just as in Colombia, the deadly weed killer was dropped on jungles and farms killing and exfoliating trees, destroying crops and contaminating the soil for foreseeable generations. Since then, it is estimated that more than 500,000 babies have been born in Vietnam with Dioxin deformities and at least $180 million has been paid in compensation to US war veterans and their families disabled by the poison. As in Vietnam, these fumigations are, in fact, biological warfare.

The Cost of Coca: During a meeting with Dr. Gonzalo de Francisco, who heads the fumigation campaign in Colombia, we expressed our concern about the grave health problems that the farmers and indigenous people in the Putumayo are enduring because of the fumigations. De Francisco brushed aside our concerns and, instead, placed the blame on the ignorance of the farmers. He implied that the health problems, most likely, stemmed from the mishandling of pesticides which the farmers apply to their own crops. This condescending and presumptive statement by de Francisco offers little explanation as to why the indigenous people and their children, who have never directly handled or knowingly have had contact with pesticides, have the same ailments as the farmers.

While in La Hormiga, we also viewed the effects of glyphosate on food crops. The fumigations had decimated subsistence crops such as yucca, corn and banana, while adjacent coca fields not only survived, but also flourished. Even the rubber trees of a state-sponsored alternative crop program were not spared. After 5 years of nurturing, the fumigations, supposedly intended for the coca crops, destroyed the trees along with multiple food crops. Unlike most of the vegetation in this region, which is highly susceptible to Round-Up Ultra and whose soils are merely thin nutrient layers, the coca plant is quite resilient and well suited to harsh and changing environments. Like a weed, it is able to grow under extreme environmental conditions. Furthermore, coca farmers conceded that they are often tipped off that the spraying will occur so they simply retrieve the coca leaves by pruning the bushes which also helps nurture the growth of the plant.

Near the conclusion of our meeting with de Francisco, we handed him hundreds of pages of data that were given to us by community leaders in the Putumayo. The data documented over 1,000 hectares of subsistence crops that had been decimated and hundreds of animals, primarily livestock, which had been killed by the fumigations. Once again de Francisco attempted to sweep aside our reports, stating that he had heard of such stories but believed that they were greatly exaggerated. But this time, I confronted him with actual video footage I had taken from the Putumayo region. The video clearly revealed the extent of the devastation to the food crops and forests. The more he viewed the footage, the more the truth was revealed before his own eyes, and the less he could argue the points he had begun to make. Obviously taken aback by what I had shown him, he assured us that he would look more seriously into the situation and assured me that the farmers would be compensated for their losses. Unfortunately, in the months that followed our meeting with de Francisco, we received reports from the residents in the Putumayo that no government official had contacted them or investigated the reports, and no reparations had been made.

The Paramilitary: Many people with whom we met told horror stories about abductions, tortures and massacres by the paramilitaries. One woman lost four of her brothers after they were targeted and killed by paramilitary forces because they had advocated against the violence. I was also shown photos of a murderous rampage committed by the paramilitary in which bodies were mutilated: faces were mauled; there were several decapitations, and bodies were cut in two with propaganda stuffed in the severed torsos warning that more massacres would ensue if people tried to return to their homes. This community had no ties to the opposition forces; the paramilitary perpetrated this violence simply to incite terror and fear and to garner respect in the region.

Over and over again, it was confirmed by the people in the Putumayo that the military and paramilitary are a unified force and act with 100 percent impunity. This was illustrated by the clasping of hands to show that the two were an interwoven and indistinguishable force. Even the US Dept of State in a report released March 2006 states: "Impunity for military personnel who collaborated with members of paramilitary groups remained a problem... Paramilitaries committed numerous political and unlawful killings… [of] local politicians, human rights activists, indigenous leaders, labor leaders, and others who threatened to interfere with their criminal activities, showed leftist sympathies, or were suspected of collaboration with the FARC."

During a meeting with Dr. Alfonso Gomez Mendez, the Attorney General of Colombia at the time, he expressed his complete frustration with Colombia's justice system. He had already issued more than 40 warrants for the arrest of Carlos Castano (head of the paramilitary forces). Gomez stated that he had little faith that Castano will ever be brought to justice. We later confronted General Fernando Tapias, then commander in charge of all military forces in Colombia, and asked him why Castano had not yet been apprehended. Tapias stated that Castano is illusive, difficult to track, and is supported by his own militant army. Despite this statement, and after I presented him with the recent NY Times article, he grudgingly acknowledged that he knew exactly where Castano lived.

Home Grown Terror: While I was in Putumayo, it was arranged that we would be given an aerial view of the region in a military helicopter. General Montoya, a former instructor and graduate of the SOA, was flown in to accompany us. Montoya, then commander of the 24th Brigade, was responsible for all military activities in the Putumayo region. Many published reports, including by Human Rights Watch (HRW), document the 24th Brigade as being responsible for countless human rights atrocities. We also learned that Montoya was cited (in Terrorismo De Estado En Colombia, 1992) as having direct ties to the paramilitary group known as the "AAA." During a meeting with Anne Patterson, then US Ambassador to Colombia, she stated that the 24th Brigade was not entitled to receive funding through Plan Colombia because of the human rights abuses associated with the brigade. She further insisted, and with absolute certainty, that neither US money nor weapons would make their way to this brigade. At this point I shared information with her that Montoya had presented to us in a slide presentation that directly contradicted her assertions; this was bolstered by the fact that Montoya was in charge of all military forces in the Putumayo region and we could see that he was wearing military clothing and carrying weapons that were US-issued.

Not only did we personally observe these contradictions to the Ambassadors statements, but HWR had also released a report a few months prior to our trip confirming that "the Colombian counternarcotics battalions created by the US security assistance and funding and trained by the US military actively coordinated with the 24th Brigade…" and that the "Twenty-Forth Brigade based in Putumayo actively coordinated operations with paramilitaries…" It goes on to report that officers in charge of the brigade "received regular payments from paramilitaries for their cooperation." Despite reports such as these, Gen. Montoya was promoted to head of Colombia's army in 2005.

Several SOA graduates with direct links to paramilitaries are cited throughout the HRW report, in fact, SOA-trained officers, who headed four Colombian military brigades, including an "intelligence" unit, were responsible for numerous atrocities in 1997-1999. Many murderous rampages under their command were conducted in association with paramilitaries whose tactics often included torture and the dismemberment of bodies. In the previously stated human rights report: "El Terrorismo de Estado en Colombia," 123 of the 247 Colombian military officers cited for gross human rights violations were graduates of the SOA. Despite overwhelming support in the US Congress in 1999 - 230 members voted to close the SOA - the school continues to operate after surviving by just 1 vote in a House/Senate conference committee.

Colombia is a country riddled with violence, human rights abuses, and drug trafficking, yet it has sent twice as many soldiers to be trained at the School of the Americas/WHINSEC than any other Latin American country. This begs an inquiry into the responsibility that the U.S. should assume with regard to human rights abuses being perpetrated by its graduates, and how the training abetted the civil war or potentially allowed for the continued and fluid movement of cocaine to the US and other markets. Today, Amnesty International joins the many members of Congress who continue to call for closure of the SOA/WHINSEC.

As stated earlier, the paramilitary depend on the drug trade--they support it and extend its power. This dependence has created an agrarian counter-reform that has had serious consequences on the social character of Colombia, especially for the indigenous populations. As the coca crops overtake the region, the rainforests are being decimated at a staggering rate. The medicinal plants and crops that the indigenous rely on are being displaced and eradicated by the mass introduction of coca crops and the fumigations aimed at destroying them. An additional insidious player is the pharmaceutical companies who have placed patents on medicinal plants and medicines originally discovered and traditionally used by indigenous communities. While the companies make millions on the plants and medicines, the indigenous are warned that they are no longer allowed to manufacture or distribute their traditional medicines now that US pharmaceuticals hold patents on them.

Sustainable Living: In addition, the indigenous peoples, who were once the majority of the population in regions such as the Putumayo, are now overwhelmingly the minority. Those who have immigrated to the region see coca as a valuable source of cheap and sustainable income. Three to four generations of farmers have now worked the coca fields, and for some, this is the only way of life they know. This is one of the reasons why the paramilitaries have gained so much strength; the farmers don't want to lose the cheap income. Coca is one of the few crops that can be harvested four times annually and guarantees a continual source of income; it generates nearly 3 times as much as coffee and 10 times that of most other crops; overall, it's price has been stable for the last 5 years and since the narcotrafficker picks up the coca from the growers the farmers don't need to haul otherwise potentially perishable goods to the markets.

The paramilitary, whose ranks are bolstered by the Colombian military, use terror against the populace to solicit their allegiance and support. They deem all, whether an active, passive, or presumed supporter of a guerrilla group, as an enemy to be destroyed and they use selective killings as well as indiscriminate massacres to elicit absolute terror in the civilian population.

Over the past decade, the paramilitary forces, often acting in conjunctions with military forces, have been responsible for the bulk of the massacres in Colombia. The number of victims by paramilitaries rose from 30 in 1997 to over 500 in 2000, including 75 massacres - this occurred almost concurrently with the dissolving of the human rights clause in Plan Colombia. Since the December 2002 "cease-fire" more than 2,300 civilians have been killed or disappeared by paramilitary groups. "Arbitrary arrests" by the military and police from 1996-2002 was 2,869, from August 2002 to August 2004 these numbers also substantially jumped to 6,332.

Systemic Exploitation: With millions of dollars being generated annually by the drug trade, drug traffickers have acquired large expanses of territory in the Amazon region that were owned and occupied by indigenous groups. Although many of the indigenous do not have "official" titles for the land, by law, they are protected because of their "perpetual right to ancestral lands." Unfortunately, these laws have been largely disregarded by the Colombian government, which has also granted full impunity to those involved in the violent and forcible exodus of indigenous peoples from these lands. Land-grabs are one of the ways that drug money is laundered; this also provides assurance that land will be available for the ongoing cultivation of coca crops. According to the government comptroller's office nearly 50% of Colombia's arable land is believed to be in the hands of paramilitaries and narco-traffickers. Other means of laundering include diverting resources to the lumber, cattle and the oil industry. This not only secures the flow of money, but it also serves to expand the network and power of the regional armed forces. Ultimately, it empowers them to intensify the violence against the poor, resulting in tens of thousands of people being tortured, killed and otherwise driven from their land each year. Annually, approximately 300,000 people are forced to emigrate from their homes because of the violence and it is estimated that since 2000, over 2 million people have been displaced. This reality puts Colombia second only to Sudan for forced displacements.

Ultimately, the motive of the paramilitary groups is to "cleanse" the region, especially of the indigenous population, by provoking a mass migration of all but loyal supporters by any means necessary. They then infiltrate the area with informants for the paramilitary who extort the remaining population for payment for "security" services. Failure to pay is seen as collaboration with the guerillas and results in public executions, tortures, and massacres.

In addition to being a nationwide anti-rebel movement, the paramilitary coordinating body is vying for political recognition by the state, and has used the negotiations with the guerilla groups to try and legitimize their standing. Many view this as a means of concealing the criminal nature of their actions under the false pretense of building a national political alternative. Particularly troubling is the amnesty deal that President Uribe's presented to the paramilitary forces in exchange for disarming. When this plan received international criticism and failed to garner sufficient support, Uribe announced that 15,000 to 20,000 demobilized paramilitaries will work as "civilian axillaries" to the police and that their responsibilities would include patrolling highways and carrying out other public order tasks.

Road Less Traveled: Better understanding the reality about Colombia is essential--especially for our members of Congress who may not be fully aware, or have chosen to disregard the grave implications caused by the fumigations and the forged alliances with terrorist groups. Based on their track record, it seems many in Congress have not taken into consideration the socioeconomic effects as well as the degree of ecological and human violence that has resulted from the hundreds of millions of dollars allocated annually through Plan Colombia to this fragmented country.

How can the US government justify sending nearly $5 billion dollars of US taxpayer dollars to one of the most corrupt and violent countries in the world? We obviously did not learn our lesson in 2001 after the US handed over $45 million to the Taliban just months before the Sept. 11 attacks in an effort to combat opium production in Afghanistan. It is largely believed that the opium was simply stockpiled and later flooded the US market making the drug even more accessible because of its plummeted price.

The "drug war" has taken the place of "communism" as the new boogieman. No one in Colombia is fooled by the incentives of the US government and soon, with ongoing education, the deception in the US will also be made more transparent. The drug problem is not Colombia's problem; it's a US demand-side problem and should be addressed as such. Congress must re-examine its allocation of funds and place greater emphasis on programs in our inner cities and prisons that help drug addicts get clean. Furthermore, they must immediately stop the annual dispersion of millions of dollars to corrupt and despotic militaries - which inevitably also gets filtered to terrorist cells - and they must admit the failure of Plan Colombia so that it is never repeated.

Thinking Outside the Bank: RAND Corporation, a California-based think-tank, reported that, dollar for dollar, providing drug treatment to cocaine users in the United States is 10 times more effective than drug interdiction programs and 23 times more cost effective than trying to eradicate coca at its source. They also noted that every $1 dollar spent on rehabilitation and treatment gives a return of $7 by decreasing the costs of criminal justice. One can only imagine what $5 billion could have meant for US addicts, their families and communities across the country affected by drug addiction and violence.

Time and time again, from the grassroots level, to senior-level government officials in Colombia, it was made clear to us that the fumigations are being imposed by the United States. No matter how many hectares of coca are destroyed by the fumigations, additional hectares of rainforests (at minimally a 2 fold ratio) will be cut down to keep the supply moving. In the end, once all the forests have been decimated--the medicinal plants eradicated, and all the indigenous peoples have been killed or forced from their land--what will be left? - Only the barren soil from which the oil companies and other multinationals will have free range to finalize their annihilation of the Amazon. Before I left our meeting with Ambassador Patterson I posed this scenario to her and asked her what her response were to be if Colombia's ecosystem was destroyed and coca production moved to a neighboring country. Her response was blunt: "Well, at least then it'll not longer be my problem."

Many farmers, as well as Colombian's then Vice President, Gustavo Bell, support the manual eradication of coca. It is estimated that it takes one worker 10 days to manually pull up one hectare of coca. Even many who are currently growing the coca advocate for this program--as long as they can make a sustainable wage for themselves and their families and they are protected from the threats and assaults of drug traffickers. Unfortunately, the State-sponsored program that was introduced as an alternative pays a farmer a mere $1,000 and allows only one year to not only eradicate the coca, but to produce an alternative crop. Anyone with a basic knowledge of crops and especially those who have an understanding of the soils in the region will affirm that it is absurd to think that this can successfully be achieved in such a short period of time or that it can be sustained for the long term without ongoing assistance. Greater funding, time, technical assistance and an ensuing peace are necessary for this plan to take root. Knowledge of the soils, crop rotation and even basic agrarian techniques will have to be re-taught since the historical memory of many of the coca-growing farmers is based solely on coca cultivation.

Furthermore, despite the fact that the coca plant flourishes in the rainforests, this region is not well suited for most crops. And most of the land that was treated with Round-Up will either remain infertile, or will require several years to regenerate. The rainforest are predominately made up of clays that have a thin organic layer that act as a soil layer. This layer is dependent on a plush canopy to offer a continuous recycling of organic materials and nutrients. While the organic layer sustains and replenishes the "soil," the covering also provides protection from the heavy rains and heat. However, if the rains are no longer being intercepted by a dense forest canopy, then the nutrient layer not only becomes highly susceptible to erosion and runoff, but the cycle of life is quickly eroded and the land becomes uncultivable. The use of "slash and burn" techniques, frequently used by farmers to clear land for crops, is also a very invasive method and greatly diminishes the sustainability of the land. In order to help maintain the integrity of the region, it is vital to incorporate and support sustainable agricultural systems and to provide the technical assistance to farmers to make sure this happen. Otherwise, as the pillage and uncontrolled annihilation of the ecosystem continues, Colombia, which has the greatest diversity of fauna and flora in the world, will continue to lose both plant and animal species at a calamitous rate. One indigenous tribal leader stated: "We are used to being exploited and attacked [by the US], but now they are killing themselves by taking away the lungs of the world." Another made the appeal: "We beg you, be our voice...we are not only being displaced, we are being exterminated."

Everyone can make a difference: Continued pressure needs to be applied to promote manual eradication and alternative crop development. Plan Colombia is destroying the Amazon, the very "lungs" of the world. It has had a devastating effect upon the poorest people of the region, the peasants and the indigenous population. Opposition in the US, Colombia and in many other countries continues to rapidly grow. The realization that Colombia is not becoming another El Salvador or Vietnam... but that it has already become the infamous "Plan Colombia" continues to galvanize people to take action against it.

Please contact your member of Congress and use your voice to advocate for using all funds proposed for Plan Colombia on restoring peace in the region, the ecology of the rainforest, for social development and sustainable agricultural programs which will enrich, not destroy Colombia, as well as for rehabilitation programs in the US.

Many thanks to the ongoing research by Adam Isacson and the Center for International Policy. Please visit: www.ciponline.org to learn more about the effects of US foreign policy as it relates to human rights in Latin America and Asia.

For more information about the School of the Americas (SOA) / WHINSEC visit: www.soawne.org and www.soaw.org

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